By Brian Pusser
Burning Down the home offers a riveting research of 1 of the main nationally widespread and bitterly contested coverage battles within the historical past of yank greater schooling: the fight to dispose of affirmative motion on the college of California. A well timed and crucial addition to the literature on affirmative motion, it examines the political, fiscal, felony, and organizational elements that formed the talk in California and provides distinctive perception into the modern politics of admissions coverage, collage governance, and the position of upper schooling in broader kingdom and nationwide political contests to return.
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Extra info for Burning Down the House: Politics, Governance, and Affirmative Action at the University of California (Frontiers in Education)
The program at Berkeley was so effective that from 1980 through 1987 the number of underrepresented students admitted to the Berkeley campus grew for nearly every group in nearly every year. Taken together, the underrepresented minorities (African American, Chicano/Latino and American Indian) students made up over 30% of the freshman class at UC Berkeley in 1988. 5 The rapid growth in underrepresented admissions in general, and special action admission in particular, along with the increasing competition for admission to UC Berkeley, led to calls by a number of groups for review of Berkeley’s admissions policies.
Nor were the disputes conﬁned to undergraduate admissions. The UCLA law school convened a task force in the wake of Bakke to consider an alternative to their pre-Bakke program (known as LEOP) of setting aside a speciﬁed number of admissions spaces in each class for underrepresented students (Favish, 1996). The UCLA task force devised a plan that, according to one professor, was “pure litigation strategy” (Karst in Favish, 1996, p. 365). That strategy was to admit 60% of an entering cohort largely on the basis of GPA and LSAT scores, and up to 40% of the cohort on the basis of multiple factors.
More signiﬁcant from UC’s perspective was the challenge in the commission’s charter to consider the creation of a “superboard” to govern all three public segments (community colleges, state universities, and UC campuses) of state higher education. After two years of study, lobbying, 24 Burning Down the House and political negotiation, the California Master Plan was approved as the Donahue Higher Education Act in the spring of 1960 and ratiﬁed on the November 1960 general election ballot. The Master Plan left intact the University of California’s governance structure and legislated a number of provisions quite favorable to the university.
Burning Down the House: Politics, Governance, and Affirmative Action at the University of California (Frontiers in Education) by Brian Pusser